Por qué el plan de redistribución de Texas no es una apuesta segura

WASHINGTON (AP) — Texas sentó las bases de la batalla de la redistribución de distritos de este año al trazar un nuevo mapa congresional destinado a impulsar a los republicanos en las elecciones de medio mandato. Ahora, con las primarias en marcha, las esperanzas del partido dependen de una pregunta clave: si los votantes que ayudaron a elegir al presidente Donald Trump hace dos años se presentarán para otros candidatos republicanos cuando él no esté en la papeleta.

Se supone que el nuevo mapa ayudará a los republicanos a arrebatar cinco escaños que hoy están en manos de los demócratas, un objetivo fijado por Trump. Si lo logran, los demócratas solo representarán ocho de los 38 distritos del estado, frente a los 13 actuales.

Los republicanos persiguieron este objetivo con una táctica llamada “cracking”, que significa esparcir a los votantes inclinados hacia los demócratas entre distritos que incluyen más votantes inclinados hacia los republicanos. Así, es más difícil para los demócratas reunir una mayoría en elecciones individuales al Congreso.

Pero las matemáticas detrás de esto no son tan sencillas. Predecir si ciertos votantes se inclinan a la izquierda o a la derecha, o si emitirán su voto, es complejo, y equivocarse puede tener consecuencias.

Un enfoque común es observar la elección general más reciente. La lógica es simple: como la expresión más reciente de las preferencias de los votantes, ofrece la fotografía más actualizada del electorado.

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            El nuevo mapa es más probable que entregue esos cinco escaños al GOP si los texanos votan de la misma manera que lo hicieron en la elección presidencial de 2024; es decir, los votantes de Trump se quedan con los republicanos y los votantes de Kamala Harris se quedan con los demócratas. Bajo esa suposición, escaños como los nuevos distritos 28 y 34, que actualmente están representados por demócratas, pasarían al control republicano.




    

        

            










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But any single election is also shaped by its broader political environment. Was the incumbent party unpopular? How did voters feel about the economy?

In the case of 2024, those answers are “yes” and “bad.” The election was a strong one for Republicans nationwide, and especially for Trump. An Associated Press analysis finds that if voters in 2026 were to cast ballots the same way they did in the 2024 presidential race, most of those races would not be particularly close. Only four would have margins within 15 percentage points.

However, applying the results of a more Democratic-leaning election to the new districts makes the picture appear more muddled. If voters revert to their 2020 presidential preferences, Republicans will have a harder time gaining all five seats.

When looking at 2020 presidential results on the new map instead of 2024, districts along the southern border, which have a high proportion of Hispanic voters, shift from narrow Republican margins to narrow Democratic ones. Others, such as districts in and around Dallas, move from strongly Republican to more competitive, though still GOP-leaning. Under 2020 voting patterns, nine districts would have margins within 15 points.

To be clear, some seats — like a Dallas-area seat currently held by Democratic Rep. Marc Veasey, which has been stretched to include more Republican-leaning voters — include enough Republican-leaning areas that even 2020-style voting would not keep them in the Democratic column.

Rather than seek reelection in the redder version of his district, Veasey is retiring from Congress.

“The city of Fort Worth has no Democratic representation,” Veasey said of the new maps.

“It’s going to be sad,” Veasey added. “I feel terrible.”

The question will be whether voters Trump picked up in 2024 will stick with his party in the midterms. While the country as a whole shifted to the right in 2024 compared with 2020, some demographic groups moved more sharply than others. Hispanic voters in particular — who are heavily represented along the border and in several Texas cities — supported Trump at higher rates than they had four years earlier.

There are warning signs for this plan, particularly in heavily Hispanic areas: Even as Trump made double-digit improvements in his margins along the southern border, those voters also returned Democratic incumbent Reps. Henry Cuellar and Vicente Gonzalez to Congress. Both are running again in reconstituted districts.

Ultimately, the success of Texas’ new congressional map hinges on a central uncertainty: whether 2024 marked a durable political realignment or a high-water mark for Republican gains among key constituencies. The coming primaries won’t answer that question on their own — but they will offer the first clues as to whether the map’s architects bet correctly.